Industrialization
After the 1828 elections, Jackson dominated the American politics by instituting the national political nominating convention that defended the spoils system as well as opened millions of acres of land owned by Indians to white settlers.[1] In addition, he vetted for the re-charter of the second bank of the United States. During his time in power, Jackson made it clear to residents of South Carolina that no man was above federal tariffs and that any attempt to oppose federal authority would not be taken lightly. This era popularly labeled as the Jacksonian Era, represents a shift in agrarian policies on manufacturing in relation to the change of Industrialism.
In addition, women in America got to have their rights clarified as being equal to men both in civic and social settings. It is an era that shaped the American manufacturing landscape to the way it’s configured to date.[2] In this, though Americans embraced the manufacturing revolution taking root in the nation, rigid rules were set to ensure that the agrarian ideologies were not compromised. Defenders for America Industrialism suggested that manufacturing in America was true to nature and thus they could form the reality of an expanded Jeffersonian legacy. Those opposed to the introduction of manufacturing as an economic powerhouse in America feared it could lead to cities, luxury and a vice giving room for evil to plague the nation just as in European cities.[3] To counter their objection, the spokesmen for industrialism stressed that factories in the countryside, the nature’s virgin land in the west, would preserve the uniqueness of the American landscape. [4]
Jackson, having risen from a humble background to become America’s most notable public figure, campaigned for the interests of the common man. In addition, he believed republicans such as Clay and Adams created national economic plans that preyed on the needs of the common man.[5] Jacksonian rule represented an intrinsic blend of the best qualities of the American society in order to elevate the needs of the common man. In addition, his philosophy that public officials should serve the needs of all men but not a particular group generated revolutionary liberating effects most notable in the provision of equal rights to vote to women. The suffrage accustomed to men came to an end as the social sentiments against women were elevated. This great amount of freedom accorded to American women by Jackson won him praise from people of all walks of life. It was a great achievement of ensuring the rights of the common man as well as those of the women the society were respected by politicians who came after him.
His political signature was established when he reduced voting restrictions against women as well as minimizing the requirements set for any candidate running for the presidency. This new-found spirit of freedom and equality empowered the common man giving Jackson’s presidential bids a competitive edge over the Republicans. In 1824, only 356,000 registered voters exercised their right to vote but as soon as the Jackson’s euphoria about equal voting rights for all, this number rose to 1,200,000 in the next election held in 1828.[6] Doctors, servants and men of low social status enjoy equal voting rights as their rich, influential counterparts.
Before Jackson, women such as Abigail Adams had been on the frontline lobbying for the rights of women in America.[7] Soon after his ascension to power, a new breed of women rights activists such as Catherine Beecher and Susan Anthony emerged to continue the lobbying. This gave women an astounding effect that promoted the emergence of pride and the credibility of the common man.[8] By 1845, it was common knowledge to every American whether residing in the south or north that industrialization would improve the livelihood of all irrespective of how conservatives viewed it in Europe.[9]
Discussion
To many historians, the period between 1824 and 1845 is regarded as the era of the American Industrial Revolution. Years before, President Jefferson objected turning American cities into manufacturing metropolis just as the cities in Europe, precisely Paris and London. This era popularly labeled as the Jacksonian Era, represents a shift in agrarian policies on manufacturing in relation to the change of Industrialism.[10]
In addition, there was a wide difference in the mode of industries in Europe and those that were being planned to be commissioned on the U.S soil. With Respect to this, industries in Europe relied on steam requiring concentration of large cities whilst those that were being proposed to be introduced in America were to operate purely on water power that is abundant in the rural areas promoting Jefferson’s Legacy on conserving the landscape of the nation. This was a complete cutoff from the Image of English Industrialism, which was a distressing spectacle to the American population.[11]
The Struggle for American Industrialization
The Lowell congress on its side advocated for the American Industry to develop only following the natural course. In this, Everett suggested that Lowell factories were not a rejection of nature as perceived by the American population by then but it is a joining of the two to improve the livelihood of the American citizens.[12] By the year 1830, Lowell was turned into an industrial city but still reserved in conserving nature managing to stay under the rigid bracket of Jeffersonian non-urban conversion of the rural areas. Though its progress managed to convince many, Orestes Brownson viewed it as a narrowed-ended mission that would soon consume all the large tracts of fertile land available to every American creating a crested city within a few decades.
Joining in the opposition was Andrews Norton, a Conservative Unitarian, who argued that the development would be fleeing the problem of urbanization momentarily before it catches up with the nation.[13] Another view on the issue was that manufacturing establishments would promote the exploitation of the poor as the industries required great numbers of poor people to work for small wages. However, these beliefs and myths fell apart as it became evident that the industrial liberation could not cause the morals of the population change for the worst. Muzzey asserts that by 1840, many of those opposed to the development of New England as a manufacturing region changed their stance to accept the reality that it does not promote any evil at all.[14]
The New Dawn of Industrialization in America
Ralph Waldo noted in his journal that it was a sensible reprieve to accept that the future of New England is to be the manufacturing country of America. Myths and propaganda coined by conservatives to keep the development of industries out of America were soon found baseless as the actualization of industrialization did not trigger the said negative effects to the morals of the Americans.[15] As the industrialization process took root in America, men and women in the north soon embraced it and sometimes found it irritating to listen to anti-industrial taunts of southern critics. Lowell and her sister cities set the stage as well as a conceivable example that industrialization does not breed evil to those who embrace. Conversely, it offers freedom of labor and a taste of better life. By 1845, it was common knowledge to every American whether residing in the south or north that industrialization would improve the livelihood of all irrespective of how conservatives view it in Europe. [16]
In concise, the period between 1824 and 1845 is regarded to as the era the topic of industrialization found its position in the mind-set of the American population. In addition, the reason why manufacturing industries are mainly located in the rural areas, in America is because of the strict Jeffersonian Legacy that demands so to prevent a replica of what was experienced in Europe.[17] Moral decadence is, therefore, not dependent on the phenomenon of industrialization but on the will of the people, as well as their cultural settings. The benefits accrued from engaging in manufacturing activities outstripped the myths surrounding the development of the sector in America rural areas.
In essence, setting up industries in the rural areas made use of the abundant water supply from rivers that could support the energy needs of many industries setting up in the forests to exploit this natural resource that in the past had been left untapped.[18] This era served as a wake-up call to the American population that the antagonists of this concept feared an evil, not as related to the trade of manufacturing, but on the cultural beliefs and mindset of a certain population that do not coincide in practices to the American liberal culture. Finally, the agrarian status quo established by Jefferson fell flat on its belly as the American population embraced manufacturing as a new industry that promised bounds of fortune and free labor. [19]
The Americans had to look for a way to acquire labor for their developing industries. In addition, the American colonizers to be specific had a major focus on the resources that were available for their already and blooming industries. Initially the idea, as mentioned earlier, the Portuguese took up strategic positions in the continent because they needed convenient routes for their trading. However, the Americans invaded Africa under the pretense of spreading the religion and also to help the less fortunate countries with the development projects.[20]
They may have had good intentions as they had used the missionaries in their endeavor to spread the gospel into the remote areas of the African countries, but after they got the exposure of the real situation as it happened and tremendous resources that they saw in those countries, and also the fact that the inhabitants were oblivious to the fact that they were literally sitting on invaluable resources, their attention shifted readily to the acquisition, however forceful, of the said resources. They took their resources and enslaved Africans to develop their industries in their country. [21]
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Conclusion
In summary, agricultural activities could not lead to people to adopt evil practices. To counter their objection, the spokesmen for industrialism stressed that factories in the countryside and the nature’s virgin land in the west would preserve the uniqueness of the American landscape. In addition, men and women in the north soon embraced it and sometimes found it irritating to listen to anti-industrial taunts of southern critics. Lowell and her sister cities set the stage as well as a conceivable example that industrialization does not breed evil to those who embrace. Conversely, it offers freedom of labor and a taste of a better life.
After the 1928 elections, Jackson dominated the American politics by instituting the national political nominating convention that defended the spoils system as well as opening millions of acres of land owned by Indians to white settlers. The suffrage accustomed to men came to an end as the social sentiments against women were elevated. This new-found spirit of freedom and equality empowered the common man giving Jackson’s presidential bids a competitive edge over the Republicans. Lastly, this period between 1824 and 1845 is referred to as the ‘Jacksonian era’ since Andrew Jackson introduced feasible changes both in politics and in social circles by introducing a governance system that focused on the needs of the common man. Lastly, this era served as a wake-up call to the American population that the antagonists of this concept feared an evil not at related to the trade of manufacturing, but on the cultural beliefs and mindset of a certain population that do not coincide in practices to the American liberal culture.
Works Cited
Beecher, Catharine Esther. A treatise on domestic economy for the use of young ladies at home, and at school. Rev. ed. Boston: T.H. Webb, 1842. Print.
Bender, Thomas. “Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth Century America..” The Johns Hopkins History Journal 4.1 (2008): 21-51. Print.
Douglass, Frederick. Autobiographies. New York: Library of America, 1994. Print.
Horton, James Oliver, and Lois E. Horton. Slavery and the making of America. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Print.
Muzzey, David Saville. An American history. Boston: Ginn and Co., 1911. Print.
Norton, Mary Beth. A people and a nation: a history of the United States. 6th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2001. Print.
Pollard, Sidney. Peaceful conquest: the industrialization of Europe, 1760-1970. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981. Print.
[1] Thomas Bender, “Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth Century America..” The Johns Hopkins History Journal 4.1 (2008) 22.
[2] Catharine Esther Beecher. A treatise on domestic economy for the use of young ladies at home, and at school. Rev. ed. (Boston: T.H. Webb, 1842) 34.
[3] Sidney Pollard. Peaceful conquest: the industrialization of Europe, 1760-1970. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981) 45.
[4] Thomas Bender, “Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth Century America..” The Johns Hopkins History Journal 4.1 (2008) 27.
[5] Frederick Douglass. Autobiographies. (New York: Library of America, 1994) 54 .
[6] Frederick Douglass. Autobiographies. (New York: Library of America, 1994) 68 .
[7] Catharine Esther Beecher. A treatise on domestic economy for the use of young ladies at home, and at school. Rev. ed. (Boston: T.H. Webb, 1842) 39.
[8] Ibid 53
[9] Sidney Pollard. Peaceful conquest: the industrialization of Europe, 1760-1970. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981) 45.
[10] Mary Beth Norton. A people and a nation: a history of the United States. 6th ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2001) 72.
[11] David Saville Muzzey. An American history. (Boston: Ginn and Co., 1911) 112.
[12] Thomas Bender, “Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth Century America..” The Johns Hopkins History Journal 4.1 (2008) 47.
[13] Mary Beth Norton. A people and a nation: a history of the United States. 6th ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2001) 87.
[14] David Saville Muzzey. An American history. (Boston: Ginn and Co., 1911) 123.
[15] Thomas Bender, “Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth Century America..” The Johns Hopkins History Journal 4.1 (2008) 69.
[16] Catharine Esther Beecher. A treatise on domestic economy for the use of young ladies at home, and at school. Rev. ed. (Boston: T.H. Webb, 1842) 61.
[17] Frederick Douglass. Autobiographies. (New York: Library of America, 1994) 75 .
[18] Mary Beth Norton. A people and a nation: a history of the United States. 6th ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2001) 91.
[19] Thomas Bender, “Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth Century America..” The Johns Hopkins History Journal 4.1 (2008) 100.
[20] Oliver James Horton and Horton Lois E. Slavery and the making of America. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005) 64.
[21] Oliver James Horton and Horton Lois E. Slavery and the making of America. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005) 79.
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